Lessons of a Fruitful Peace Process – the Northern Ireland Experience:

Achieving genuine conflict resolution requires a dedicated approach that incorporates building trust and relationships between communities from opposing sides of a deeply divided society. Learning to understand the necessary stages required for a fruitful peace process is just one way Israelis and Palestinians can take serious lessons away from the Northern Ireland experience.

Israeli and Palestinian flags are frequently seen flying in Northern Ireland, often in loyalist and republican areas respectively.  This is symbolic of how even in a place that has seen 15 years of a peace process, divides still exist to the extent that some communities take sides in the conflict of another in slight continuation of their own.

A loyalist flag protestor sports an Israeli – Northern Ireland combo flag outside Belfast City Hall Saturday May 4th 2013. Photo: Gary Spedding

Be wary when comparing “The Troubles” in Northern Ireland to the situation in Israel/Palestine, especially when it gives opportunity to public figures such as Israeli Ambassador to the United Nations Ron Prosor to disingenuously proclaim a desire to export lessons from the Northern Irish peace process (his loud exclamations that “We [Israel] can learn from Ulster” are just another form of propaganda to sooth the international community).

A major aspect to building peace is in finding a way for communities to reconcile differences whilst holding on to one’s own identities whilst respecting ‘the others’ opposing identity and ideas for the future.

The push for a genuine reconciliation has to adhere closely to the ideal of fairness and look at how people can deal with the memories and legacies of the past.

Having defined structures for delivering equal justice is key, which is why a continuous, flowing discussion is necessary when it comes to finding a civil pathway to peace (as Haggai Matar noted in his recent piece on Northern Ireland).

Two important points stand out in Haggai’s piece: the first is the acceptance that “no two conflicts are alike,” and the second is the emphasis on realizing that “a solution that fits one conflict could never be copied successfully to anywhere else.”

True peace and reconciliation comes from people as human beings feeling valued, respected and dignified. If there is no genuine relationship and respect among the parties involved then the situation isn’t going to get anywhere and achieving peace remains little more than a fantasy.

Thus, in order to reach genuine peace, a set of basic rules and stages is required. A recent article from Quintin Oliver, a man who helped run a non-party ‘YES’ Campaign in the 1998 Referendum on the Good Friday Agreement, illustrates this in his fifteen laws of peace processes.

Whilst Oliver’s laws discuss Northern Ireland, I find some points give an inkling as to what may be lacking in Israel today;

1. Citizenship should be clarified and open to all. Those under Israel’s direct control are not all afforded the right to citizenship, and therefore to democratic participation and other benefits that come with it. Palestinians and Israelis must be free to make and exercise their own choices with relation to citizenship and national self-determination within either Palestine, Israel or both.

2. Security must be guaranteed for all, without fear or partiality. Achieving a stable situation is desired in order to bring about an end to violence. Confidence among communities can only increase when Israel and Palestine reach a consensus on the primacy of evenhanded application of security, where both parties can be trusted with ensuring a commitment to one another’s safety and rights.

3. Interpretation and implementation of the law must be assured through an independent judiciary. There cannot be room for a politicized application of the law, as this will only deepen the sense of injustice towards those who are being or perceive themselves to be oppressed by structural discrimination.

4. Truth will always vie with justice as we try to understand what happened to us. A robust process of managing and dealing with the past is essential. Justice however may not always fit well given that perceptions differ greatly among many truths which manifest in a conflict.

5. Armed groups must be subject to full disarmament, disbandment and reintegration. All Palestinian and Israeli armed groups must agree to an internationally observed decommissioning. This must be followed by an agreement to lift the siege on Gaza and an Israeli military withdrawal from the West Bank. Undoubtedly there will be resistance to this particular point but this bold step for peace must be taken.

6. International and external forces must be eased out of the day-to-day decision-making. Though important in order to kick start the first stages of a peace process, there must be space for standalone interaction as over-dependence on international actors, some of which provide dishonest brokerage, has given Israel ample opportunity to continue its occupation 20 years after the Oslo Accords were signed.

7. All legal voices must be included, so as to absorb their political views appropriately or else you will remain dependent on a military solution. A solution cannot simply involve the Palestinian Authority alone. There needs to be inclusivity, and the question one must always ask is whether the voiceless are being heard.

8. Societal infrastructure must be based on equality and sharing, or risk intensifying division. If the Israeli government and some Palestinian groups continue to institutionalize discrimination using the education system, public transport, housing, teacher training, arts and sports then division will remain in both societies.

9. A free press which would hold the powerful to account without interference is self-evident. The need for a critical and proactive approach within Israel to push creative policy development is obvious. Israeli society seems dominated by nationalist discourse propagated by the government. Furthermore, there is a need for freedom to criticize the Palestinian Authority and Hamas on legitimate issues affecting the areas under their control.

10. Each party to the conflict must be afforded the right to argue for its own vision of the future with impunity. There are still political groups that advocate the destruction of Northern Ireland as an entity, and yet there has been an end to violence, discrimination, checkpoints etc. A strong desire to end conflict on all levels must be expressed by all sides. Israel requires a fundamental societal shift to achieve circumstances in which other visions are given space for peaceful expression. Of course, the advocation of hatred, murder and other crimes must not be ignored.

11. Your side hates our side much more and has done/continues to do much worse things than we do. An overwhelming majority in Israel perceive Palestinians as violent and perpetual aggressors. Some examples of violence cited contribute to a selective memory and a level of unhealthy denialism. Existence of two or more disparate sides means that recognition for different roles played by Israel and Palestinians is essential. Regardless of the imbalanced conflict, victims of violence deserve justice. A careful definition of ‘violence’ is required in order to make progress in this area.

12. Policing must be seen to be fair and reliable. One of the largest problems in conflict occurs when those enforcing the law, be it civilian or military do so without any equal application or human-rights compliance. When parity in the treatment of Israeli and a Palestinian suspects by police and military officers disappears because of institutional discrimination towards the later it compounds the issues.

13. A vibrant civil society must be enabled and dissent encouraged. The sign of any true democracy is the ability to allow differing political ideas to be presented in a pluralist way. If a government actively discourages nonviolent dissent or punishes civil society for crying out then it isn’t a real democracy but rather an oppressive state.

These necessary stages must be adhered to for a fruitful peace process. Lord John Alderdice highlights this concisely in his address to the United Nations General Assembly on the 13^th of September 2012;

“The key element in building trust, achieving agreement, ending violence, and eventually contributing to reconciliation is the construction of a process through which by direct engagement with each other, the two or more, sides begin to see ‘the Others’ as human beings who have their positive as well as negative elements. If you treat others as less human than you and your people they will feel able to treat you and your people as less than human too.”

If civil society demands a peace process that adheres to the above ground rules, rather than skipping essential stages, we can remain optimistic about achieving peace between Israel and Palestine.

A shorter version of this article first appeared on +972 Magazine and can be found here.

Recognising Palestine

Language plays an important role when defining a conflict, this is because the clever use of words can be positive and powerful when used for beneficial effect. Whilst reading a recent statement by the European Parliamentary Delegation to Palestine I noticed that the release, instead of using the term oPt (Occupied Palestinian Territories) actually says:

“visit to the occupied State of Palestine (East Jerusalem and the West Bank).”

Some may look at this as insignificant, however I find that by specifically using that particular description of Palestine the press statement has more power. This reveals a vital shift in discourse, taking us away from talking about ‘Palestine’ as a set of territories under Israeli occupation and into the realm of actually recognizing Palestine as a country and nation state.

Clever use of wording can often help shape a new dynamic in which healthy debate can occur. This (new?) development, though not massive, is still quite impressive. By recognizing the State of Palestine the EU Parliamentary delegation is bringing us closer to a pathway to a just peace, whilst giving acknowledgement and dignity to the Palestinian people.

Through changing the reference in this ever so subtle way it could help create a more diverse perception among the public.

Well done I say, keep it up!

Ten Member Family Under Threat of Eviction in Sheikh Jarrah

Ten members of a Palestinian family living in Um Haroun, Sheikh Jarrah, have been ordered to leave their home. Their property has been released from the General Custodian to the hands of an illegal settler organization, headed by Aryeh King.

For the first time in more than three years, a Palestinian family in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah is facing immediate eviction and dispossession at the hands of the Israeli authorities and extremist Israeli settlers. According to the Jerusalem district court, the 10 members of the Shamanseh family must leave their home, which they’ve lived in for almost five decades – before the 1967 occupation of East Jerusalem.

The eviction itself has been temporarily delayed until the family’s appeal is heard at the Israeli high court to be held on 20th of May 2013.

The Israeli General Custodian, which has claimed ownership of the property, was represented in the legal processes by private lawyers who are known to represent settler organizations, including Aryeh King’s “Israel Lands Fund.”

This is the very same group that intends to take over the Shamanseh house and populate it with illegal Israeli settlers.

During and following home evictions in Sheikh Jarrah back in 2009, the international community issued strong statements condemning Israel’s actions. Even the then US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton expressed opposition to the settlement of Sheikh Jarrah.

A report issued by representatives of the EU last year, described steps to illegally settle East Jerusalem as “systematically undermining the Palestinian presence” in Jerusalem.  They recommended issuing sanctions on Israel in response to such actions in East Jerusalem.

The family, residents of Sheikh Jarrah, and activists call on anyone in support of stopping the next eviction in Sheikh Jarrah, putting a halt to the ongoing Judiazation of East Jerusalem, and ending the Israeli occupation, to hold demonstrations in front of Israeli consulates and representative offices on May 10th, 2013.

We must gather together to let them know, across the globe, that each family matters.

Israel’s policy in East Jerusalem enables and supports settler organizations to take over property, turning the Palestinians living there into refugees – some for the second time. This policy is many times based on legal discrimination which allows one-sided actions, and eviction of Palestinian families.

 

Israel in Ireland doesn’t hesitate to exploit Boston Bombings

In a world where some amongst us are ever more desperate for the next propaganda opportunity I’m surprised it took as long as it did before right-wing blogger Elder of Zion abused the Boston Bomber situation to bolster anti-Muslim ideology within the framework of the Israel – Palestine conflict.

Without even a shred of context or discussion a blog released yesterday attempts to influence public opinion to draw association between one of the Boston bombing suspects and Palestine solidarity.

Taking tweets from the 28th of November 2012, EoZ tries to guide readers down the slippery slope of linking terrorism solely with Muslims, Islam and Palestine.

What he has tried to do isn’t just my speculation, some of the comments left under the blog post (a few now deleted) show the effect the blog has on readers:

“The typical mind of a Muslim.” – A user named Phil

Of course these anti-Palestinian groups and individuals see an opportunity to link all Muslims with terrorism and then tie it in with Palestine. A brilliant PR opportunity for them as it provides a perfect source for gaining support by associating something completely irrelevant with the fear, confusion, mistrust and hatred that is now being expressed by some sections of western society.

It also didn’t take too long for Israel in Ireland to post the blog to their facebook, continuing their manipulation of information so as to blame Muslims & Palestinians in an attempt to make the Israel – Palestine conflict a religious war that draws in support for Israel from those angry at Muslim terrorists.

To abuse a horrific act of terrorism and turn it into irresponsible propaganda is utterly abhorrent and goes to show how desperate some must be to push their cause.

This kind of hasbarah must not go unchallenged!

Surrounding Sinjil: A Daily Reality of Occupation, Settlers and Violence

“I remember Palestinians greeting Israeli soldiers with flowers during the Oslo years, there was a euphoric atmosphere anticipating peace” – Rabbi Yehiel Grenimann

The words above set a tone of optimism for an early morning start as our small group embarked on a tour of a section of the West Bank just north of Ramallah, organized in conjunction with Rabbis for Human Rights (רבנים למען זכויות אדם).

As an organization RHR’s boasts over one hundred Israeli members, all of whom are ordained Orthodox, Reform, Conservative, Reconstructionist, and Renewal rabbis. This makes them a human rights group that is quite unique inside Israel today.

Kicking off our tour at the American Colony hotel in occupied East Jerusalem, we met Yehiel Grenimann, head of the rabbis Human Rights in the Occupied Territories department who was to be our guide for the morning. Upon collecting us he proceeded to take us down route 60 in his car after a short while we turned off onto route 1 popping us suddenly yet neatly out of East Jerusalem facing the direction of the massive illegal settlement known as Ma ’ale Adumim glaring at us like a hilltop fortress.

The transition across the separation barrier from illegally annexed East Jerusalem and into the West Bank slips by almost unnoticed. One can see how the illusion that illegal settlements are ‘part of Israel’ is solidified in the minds of tourists and Israelis alike, especially when travelling on roads specifically designed to link them together with Jerusalem.

Taking a brief stop at a petrol station for coffee, Yehiel took out a printed version of the latest map of the West Bank put together by B’tselem. Our location on the map revealed we were basically sandwiched between Ma’ale Adumim and Mishor Adumim (illegal settlements). There is something about being there on the ground, looking over a map of the settlements for the scale to hit home. I really understood the feeling that many Palestinians go through, surrounded on all sides and restricted by Israeli military bases and settlements on the hilltops.

Our group’s destination for the morning was a Palestinian village just North of Ramallah in the central West Bank called Sinjil. It is a village besieged by the encroaching Israeli settlements of Ma‘ale Levona, Haro’eh, Giv’at Harel, Shiloh and Eli.

These settlements, all visible from our vantage point hold a legacy of violence towards the local Palestinian villagers. One of the local Palestinians, Kamal met us on his lands telling us how settlers with knives and guns often block the entrance to the village, preventing villagers from farming their lands.

Map showing where Sinjil is located in the West Bank (B’tselem)

According to Israeli newspaper Haaretz Sinjil, like elsewhere in the West Bank, Jewish settlers have blocked farmers from accessing their lands for the last ten years.

Kamal continued by telling us how he can only access his farm lands twice a year in the area near Ma’ale Levona. According to his knowledge around 40 – 50% of the entire village’s farming lands have been taken over by settlers.

He further told us how the settlers regularly distort reality to make it appear as though it is the settlers under assault from the local Palestinians. Settlers had once invaded Sinjil, Kamal told us how they had taken a picture, put it up on the news in a way that made it seem Palestinians had tried to lynch the settlers during prayer, what the settlers forgot was that the signpost to Sinjil was visible in the foreground of the pictures, the lie was thus easily unveiled.

Sometimes what you see in the media isn’t the fully picture, who’d have thought it?

“The Israeli Army won’t allow us to put up a fence in order to protect our lands and village” – Kamal, resident of Sinjil.

It became obvious to our group that these people live this horrific reality and are on the receiving end of a systematic cycle of violence on a daily basis.

The house in Sinjil with racist graffiti scrawled across the front

Kamal took us to the home of his two aunts just outside the village. The house was covered in graffiti written in Hebrew and a large Magen David (Star of David) spray painted over the front door.

Hajj Naama was home and invited us in for a drink of tea as she told us how the settlers routinely throw rocks at the house in the small hours of the morning while she sleeps.

“Settlers destroyed the electricity generator and throw stones that smash the glass” she said.

Kamal said to us how he had told the settlers that they will not leave this home and lands – “We will live and die here”.

We discussed the Israeli military and the obligations they are supposed to fulfil as the occupying military force. Kamal told us how the army never helps; he sees the IDF as being present only for the settlers, a perception that holds the weight of truth behind it.

“The army facilitates the settlers, in the last olive harvest – settlers came to steal our olives and we yelled at them so they ran away. Later the army came; the presence of the military gives the settlers strength which makes them worse as if they have more confidence to commit crimes against us”

Kamal also told us that if he were to push a settler away, then a soldier will turn up with a gun and threaten to shoot him.

The settlers are also known to have set fire to Sinjil’s fields and farming areas, including their olive groves. A report from 2012 entitled ‘When Settlers Attack’ reveals that previous incidents include an attack on the 22^nd of June 2011 where settlers trespassed onto Palestinian land in Sinjil and cut down approximately 50 olive trees. A further news article from 2009 reveals that settlers from the Givat Haroeh outpost cut down 45 olive trees belonging to the village.

Eleven mosques in this area have also been attacked by settlers with Molotov cocktails over the last few years.

Discussing the times where villagers have tried to coordinate with the Israeli civil administration to have the IDF’s protection whilst farming Kamal asked us what we thought of the kind of agreement whereby he arranged to go to his land, followed the procedure by informing the military and was then told he would have to wait for an officer to show up yet that officer didn’t come for up to three days at a time.

We asked as internationals, what we could do to help the people of Sinjil, Kamal replied that people could help by coming to actively support the village, especially during harvest season.

Whenever the village has a problem they can also now turn to organizations such as rabbis for human rights. Indeed Kamal frequently calls them to discuss any of the problems being faced. The Rabbis accompany the Palestinians to the Israeli police station and talk to the army them which helps alleviate some of the pressure.

As we were leaving the village we noticed that the military was preparing to close off the area, Yehiel was worried that our presence may have caused the settlers to call the army which would undoubtedly have some consequences for the village.

Sinjil it seems is facing the full blown reality of the occupation, settler violence and military ineptitude on a daily basis, combining the already crushing force that is destroying the lives of Palestinians throughout the occupied territories due to the illegal actions and policies of Israel.

Maintaining a Healthy Palestinian Jerusalem

As morning swiftly morphed into afternoon our group left the offices of EAPPI and headed towards the Damascus gate from where it is only a 15 minute walk to Sheikh Jarrah, a Palestinian neighbourhood in the heart of occupied East Jerusalem.

This neighbourhood has in recent years achieved international attention due to a protest movement uniting local residents and anti-occupation Israelis against illegal settlements in the localised area.

Backed by Israeli courts and the government itself, illegal settlers have been taking over homes, property and land in numerous areas and neighbourhoods in East Jerusalem. The struggle is almost always a political one, Israeli settlement organizations gain the support of the Israeli authorities in order to expel the Palestinian residents, replacing them with Jewish Israelis. However, the framework most frequently exploited to further the demographic goal is the Israeli legal system. Many evictions throughout the wider area of East Jerusalem, (in numerous neighbourhoods) have been approved by the various courts in Israel, including the Israeli Supreme Court.

By applying Israeli laws to occupied territory Israel gives the Jewish settlements an appearance of legality within a structure that is most certainly against International Law and legal principles.

In general, I find that a complex set of rules and laws are being abused, setting a precedent based upon a double standard; Israeli Jew’s who lost property in East Jerusalem during the 1948 Israeli war of Independence (The Palestinian Nakba) have been able to ‘reclaim’ property using the Israeli judicial system whilst Palestinian refugees living in neighbourhoods like Silwan and Sheikh Jarrah are not permitted the same legal right to reclaim their property inside Israel.

Negative impacts of Israeli occupation are everywhere in East Jerusalem, one specific example is the disillusionment of Palestinian youth when it comes to social change and developing effective political strategy.

One organisation that has recognized the potential of Palestinian youth to become powerful agents of social change is Grassroots Jerusalem. Founded in 2007, Grassroots Jerusalem exists in a place where the atmosphere is filled with tension on a daily basis. Palestinian youth often feel this most of all, suffocated and cut off from the world outside they live a devastating reality because of the Israeli occupation.

Our student group met with Micha Kurz, co-founder and director of Grassroots Al-Quds (Jerusalem) and in his briefing he described to us how the situation in East Jerusalem is often characterized by intolerance, and cultural and religious divisions as a result of Israel’s on-going discriminatory activities. As an organisation Grassroots Al-Quds is specifically designed to provide a grassroots platform for social, urban and human rights activism to local residents wishing to get politically active and connected with other organizations in Jerusalem.

Students with the QUB Palestine Society trip meet with Micha Kurz in the Grassroots Jerusalem officers 26.03.2013

We learned how the small but highly effective team seeks to strengthen Palestinian grassroots networking in order to achieve representation for the community voice, such a voice is one that disobeys, opposes and nonviolently resists the Israeli occupation.

One thing I like about this organisation is that they have a vision that is long-term, sustainable and amplifies local resources specifically for use by locals. This kind of model exemplifies community reinvestment, something I think more groups and NGO’s need to employ strategically as soon as possible.

As our briefing with Micha progressed we learned the most perhaps through his innovative use of maps. He allowed the group to conceptualise the serious long-term problems being faced by East Jerusalemite Palestinians, such as settlement expansion and the total isolation of East Jerusalem, both physically and economically from the rest of the Palestinian territories by the separation wall and checkpoints.

After showing us how the new E1 settlement construction will eventually give contiguity for what Israel calls the greater Jerusalem municipality (An area that extends well beyond the original boundaries of Jerusalem) that includes the surrounding settlement blocs of Maa’le Adummim, Pisgat Ze’ev and Har Homa we were able to peruse the maps closely which gave us a better picture of what the scale of illegal activities and repression occurring in East Jerusalem on a regular basis.

Speaking of maps, a key part of the work done by those at Grassroots Al-Qud’s is a new mapping method that combines opensource response technology, enabling activists to document incidents in real-time which is an absolutely essential tool given the frequently urgent nature of the incidents and many issues in a fluid and volatile Jerusalem. This tool could be a leading way forward in documenting crimes so that in the future Palestinians will see accountability mechanisms being implemented on the path to a just and peaceful resolution of the overall conflict.

Since the international community began paying closer attention to Palestinian issues in East Jerusalem, an interesting discovery again on the subject of maps, highlights how the Israeli ministry of Tourism has surreptitiously helped spread a disfigured image of a United Jerusalem that literally wipes Palestinian neighbourhoods off the map.

To help visualize this I’d like to present two maps in my article;

1. The official Israeli Ministry of Tourism’s map of Jerusalem found on their website:

Note: The distinct lack of street names or detail in the areas East of the old city.

And

1. A map of Jerusalem as recorded by B’tselem:

Note: The numerous Palestinian neighborhoods labelled on this map

Notice that in the map from the Israeli Ministry of Tourism most of the streets in West Jerusalem (pretty much everything left of the Old City) is highly detailed, whereas neighbourhoods like Silwan, Ras El Amud, Isawiya and Sheikh Jarrah (subtitled with its transliterated Hebrew name Shimon Hatzadik) are not privileged with street names or details of any kind at all except that the map acknowledges their existence.

The map from Israeli tourism is clearly meant to mislead tourists, however so slightly, into only really picturing Jewish neighbourhoods of Jerusalem.

Again this is just one of the issues, even in terms of something as simple as recognition, that Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem face.

Over all the aim of any grassroots movement is to revive, create and maintain a network that connects, shares knowledge and coordinates on issues of immediate and long term concern.

This is Grassroots Jerusalem, they are working hard to build and maintain a Healthy Palestinian Jerusalem which will one day become the shared capital between a Palestinian state alongside a secure Israeli state.

They really have so much to offer!

Notes: This blog will be edited to include links & references within 48 hours. I’m traveling at the moment and have limited time/access to the Internet.

Providing protection retroactively with Ecumenical Accompaniment

On first morning of a six-day long trip to Israel-Palestine with a group of students, (for all of whom their first time) the first scheduled port of call was a briefing at the Jerusalem offices of the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI).

Founded in response to the to requests from Heads of Churches in Jerusalem, the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme is part of the World Council of Churches (WCC) and their work includes but is not limited to bringing internationals to the Occupied Palestinian Territories in order to observe, report and experience life under occupation.

Another key area of work within the remit of EAPPI is that their EA’s provide a protective presence to vulnerable communities whilst monitoring and reporting on human rights abuses.

An aspect I personally find quite endearing is that they also robustly support Palestinians and Israelis working together for a just peace. Some may argue that this amounts to ‘normalisation’ yet differences between coexistence in the way hasbarists put forward and the activity of co-resistance become more obvious the further into EAPPI’s work one delves.

Meeting with EAPPI in Jerusalem. Tuesday 26th March 2013

Upon arrival at the offices I was greeted by the advocacy officer, our group was then taken to a briefing room where some two-page reports had been set out for us.

We began by discussing occupied East Jerusalem, where only citizens of the state of Israel can rent apartments in Israeli settlements. Such settlements have sprung up since Israel unlawfully annexed the areas previously occupied by Jordan to Israel after the 1967 war.

The significance of Israeli citizens having exclusive rights to rent or buy apartments in these settlements is that the majority of East Jerusalemites (Palestinians) do not hold Israeli citizenship but rather a residency permit that can be revoked at a moment’s notice.

Since 1967 almost 35% of the annexed areas have been expropriated and allocated to illegal settlements and as of April 2012 there are more than 200,000 Israeli settlers residing in settlements established in occupied East Jerusalem. (OCHA)

In terms of International Law and the view of the International Community these settlements, along with the unilateral annexation of East Jerusalem are illegal and illegitimate.

This is just part of the story in Jerusalem as our group swiftly discovered a myriad of complex issues aggregate together into an awfully palpable reality on the ground that Palestinian residents live with on a daily basis.

We discussed house demolitions, the revoking of residency permits, forced evictions and even how settler organisations have no problem using archaeology as a political tool to push out Jerusalem Palestinians. An example of the injustice brought about by the discriminatory nature Israel’s legal system is encapsulated within an example of how two Palestinian refugee families (comprising 13 people) were forcibly evicted by the Israeli authorities from their houses in Beit Hanina in April 2012.

The evictions followed a court case brought by an Israeli citizen, supported by a settler association, claiming ownership over the property. Homes are often subsequently handed over to settlers who move into the neighborhood creating a fractious situation that then requires a private security presence that leads to various criminal activities and abuses of Palestinian residents of the area.

Illegal settlement in the occupied Palestinian territories is designed to create contiguity in areas the Israeli government wishes to retain after any future peace agreement with the Palestinian people. It should be obvious to any observer that the aggressive pursuit of settlement construction and subsequent expansion are illegal activities being taken by Israel whilst the International community sits back with a distinct lacking of ability to take action in upholding International Law, accountability and justice.

Only just back in December we saw thousands new homes planned for East Jerusalem and the West Bank as a response to the Palestinian Authority gaining statehood recognition based on the pre-1967 borders yet we sit back and do nothing to prevent these flagrant violations of law.

Moving on, we discussed the West Bank and the erosion and damage being done to the culture of Bedouin in Jordan valley. A set of carefully constructed restrictions upon the movements of these traditionally nomadic people has combined with attempts to misuse a conglomerate of old Ottoman & Israeli laws to confiscate their lands. The result of this bureaucratic assault on freedom and basic human rights is that Bedouin now face a daily struggle to survive, let alone maintain their cultural heritage and traditional way of living.

Some Bedouin no longer migrate with the seasons due to fear of losing their lands in the fertile Jordan Valley and in total 886 Palestinians were displaced by demolitions in the West Bank and East Jerusalem in 2012.

Another major problem which we looked at was the increase in settler violence towards Palestinians. An assistant research & team officer who was from Ireland and also present at the meeting discussed her time in a village called Yanoun whilst we reviewed the fact-sheet on settler violence which held two case studies within it.

At this stage of the meeting our group asked questions about the restriction of movement for Palestinians. Demonstrating how Israeli policies impact West Bank Palestinians, the advocacy officer giving us the briefing, who happened to be from the West Bank town of Taybeh decided to show us his own green Palestinian ID and a number of other Identity documents required for him just to access Jerusalem from Bethlehem where he currently resides in order to get to work each day.

He presented us with his green I.D. which in addition to the expected items such as name, date of birth and so on, also held his religion and the names of his closely related family members. He also had another electronic/magnetic I.D. which he explained was used at checkpoint terminals where he has to have his finger prints scanned each time he enters. Finally he handed us a paper document which bore official Israeli government insignias which he told us was his permit to enter Israel for work.

Finishing up the meeting we entered a conversation about political bias and how EAPPI doesn’t fit the category in which anti-Palestinian organisations try to throw them into.

As far as I could see the EA’s and EAPPI itself seek a just peace based on international law. They challenge discrepancies in official Israeli discourse, for example where an Israeli government official claims that 60,000 people were allowed into Israel from the West Bank during Easter, NGO’s such as EAPPI monitoring checkpoints daily during such periods record different, far lower figures entirely.

Additionally EAPPI focuses on eliciting an international response to human rights violations and every position EAPPI takes is grounded in international law and the Geneva Convention. By applying international law to the conflict this particular organisation doesn’t take sides per say but rather upholds a basic standard with which to deal with the conflict and reality on the ground. This approach has allowed people following EAPPI throughout the world to see human beings and human rights violations rather than the polarised conflict narrative that makes use of tribal Jews vs Arabs.

“The only enemy is human rights violations and those that violate them.”

EAPPI also provides a deterrent on the ground that makes those wishing to violate human rights think twice about carrying forward with their plans because they are aware that international observers are watching and documenting events closely.

I’d like to briefly touch upon the strategic and interdependent relationship that exists between protective presence and advocacy. In order to effectively advocate on behalf of the Palestinian people there needs to be a protective presence on the ground that is monitoring and providing accurate information. When all of this is layered together we can see how Ecumenical Accompaniment provides real, sustainable and retroactive protection for Palestinians and Israelis.

Basically: Protection presence + advocacy = accompaniment (In this case Ecumenical Accompaniment).

One thing that I took from the meeting, which is perhaps a criticism of some sections in the International Community is that people speaking FOR Palestinians is bad idea – we should be allowing them their own voices to speak up for themselves or when they are silenced by Israel we need to represent their views accurately rather than pushing our own agenda.

Lastly, our group briefly discussed the plight of Palestinian Christians, a group that EAPPI’s Jerusalem advocacy officer belongs. He told us that Palestinian Christians are not affected differently to any other Palestinians under occupation but that they are affected disproportionately by the occupation.